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have written excellent poetry, and many transcriptions of Native American songs and chants have come into being framed up in books as poetic texts. This is convenient and comfortable for Euro-American readers. You can read about Native American lives and gather Native American sensibilities in familiar textual settings. And I imagine these forms are entirely appropriate to the cultural circumstances - that is, I don't mean to represent these uses of Euro-American forms as betrayals of their own culture - because they are very powerful, moving works that are obviously creating authentic, meaningful sensibilities. (Remarks that will make some of my Derridean colleagues shudder, no doubt.) One strand of this move of Native American texts from oral to fixed forms began (as Ruoff says) in the late eighteenth century as Native American nonfiction prose came to rest in one place on individual autobiography. Euro-Americans curious about Indian experience and world views wanted to hear individuals' stories. So we have the autobiography, first published in 1833, of Black Hawk, a Sauk Indian from the Midwest who claims he was born in 1767. By 1920 the eminent anthropologist Paul Radin brings out the Autobiography of a Winnebago Indian. In 1972 the startling book Lame Deer, Seeker of Visions was published, written with the help of Richard Erdoes, and in 1990 Mary Crow Dog's Lakota Woman tells her story of growing up as a Lakota Sioux. In "Yuuyaraq: The Way of the Human Being," Harold Napoleon, a Yupiq Indian from Alaska, incorporates significant autobiographical material to tell the story of the demise of the Alaskan native peoples, which because it came much later and in a chronologically condensed form, is like an encapsulation of the whole of the Native American holocaust. In 1987 Brian Swann and Arnold Krupak, two well-respected scholars of Native American literature, brought out a collection of solicited Native American autobiographical essays in I Tell You Now. Then there is that powerful and peculiar book Black Elk Speaks, first published in 1932, which is purported to be the autobiography of Black Elk, a Sioux medicine man, but is formally the work of John G. Neihardt, a white American. These are all entertaining, informative and instructive works. But they are in a way antithetical to the whole Native American way of viewing human beings. I want to generalize and say that before the seventeenth or eighteenth century, it never would have occurred to a Native American to recount his or her own personal, individual story. I say this because the Native American ethos was not an ethos of the individual, as in nineteenth and twentieth century America, but an ethos of the tribe. The individual's story would be the tribe's story; you would not tell what happened to yourself, but what happened to your tribe. And when you poke around a little bit in Native American stories, you discover that the story of the tribe is not recorded in neat, historical facts, but instead is related much more indirectly in stories of animals, heroes' exploits, and generalized human characters who make trouble for themselves and their family or tribe by their various errors - generalized story figures, not personalized biographical figures. The Euro-American insistence on a text, I am suggesting, has distorted Native American storytelling - or to use a metaphor I slipped in earlier, it has warped Native American storytelling into something it never was or would have been, the same way |
Euro-American culture warped Native American culture generally, at least to extent that it did not wipe it out entirely. So not only our view of the text differs from the Native American view of a text (if such an abstraction could even exist), but our view of the Native American world view, culture and indeed psyche differs. When we insist on a fixed text, we warp and distort our picture of Native Americans to suit our own view. Now there is a reason why this happens, and I don't mean to start sounding mystical here - or perhaps I do. At least one major reason there's been so much friction between Native Americans and Euro-Americans is that our ideas of what the world is differ so radically that they are barely recognizable to each other, let alone reconcilable. To put it in Western terms, it comes down to the problem of the one and the many: Is the universe one large unit, or is it a multiplicity of individual objects crammed together all in one gigantic space? Despite one strand of the influences of Platonic and perennial philosophy, our scientific view of the world tells us the cosmos is many things crammed together. We take things apart to get to the bottom of them, to find out what the parts are. This view requires literary critics to separate out all the possible texts of a story, for example, as if they were all distinct objects, and identify the one that is the authentic, authoritative text. We have to have one text separate from many. We want to know the story of an individual Indian, and probably we have the sense that if we read enough individual stories, we could accumulate a sense of who are Indians in general. By contrast, the Native American world view pretty clearly conceives the cosmos as unitary. Differences between individual beings are only apparent. In other words, Native Americans do not take the material world for the only reality, or even the primary reality. Commerce between several worlds - material, imaginal, dream, star worlds - is possible and even constant (though you might not be conscious of it) because they are all essentially the same thing. "As it was in the sky, so it is on Earth," says a Micmac storyteller, clearly demonstrating the sense that the heavens are identical to Earth. Lame Deer and Black Elk both speak of circles as symbols of the wholeness of reality, and the ancient ways of the people upheld - reflected, even created - that sense of wholeness in their rituals and stories. A strange facet of all Native American stories that I know of is that characters very often have names like Bear, Muskrat, Blue Jay, Beaver, and are spoken of more or less ambiguously as both human and animal. For the Penobscot people of central Maine, for example, where my home is, each clan anciently identified itself with an animal - the moose, sturgeon, bear, turtle - and lived in that identity. It is important to realize that a Penobscot elder did not fancifully select an animal he or she liked and arbitrarily cloak the family under that sign, sort of like a coat of arms. Instead, the word "identity" is critical to that understanding: The clan identified with the animal, which is to say they believed and felt and essentially in spirit lived as that animal. The me'teoulin, or shamans, maintained particular familiar animal spirits, called bao'higans, with whom they also felt an identity. At the level of dreams, all beings begin to lose their individuality, and their relatedness, connections and essential unity become apparent. Despite our scientific view of the world, this is not a foreign |
The Whole of Native American Literature |